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Home > Collections > Special > Poetry > James Joyce > Collection Overview > Archiving The Ephemeral

Archiving The Ephemeral
An Exhibit in Occasion of NEMLA 2000 at Buffalo | April 6-May 5, 2000


  • Exhibit Catalog
  • History of Collection
Joyce's Family Portraits


Among Joyce’s possessions acquired from the La Hune Exhibit are the family portraits that adorned the various Joyce domiciles in Paris. There is some reason to doubt the authenticity of the five portraits of Joyce’s ancestors (items 2, 3, 8, 9, 10); quite possibly these were random portraits purchased by John Stanislaus Joyce, James’ father, who may have acquired them to bolster the family’s credentials to the gentry. The identifications used here were supplied by Joyce in a letter to Frank Budgen (1).

Starting over Case # 1, then clockwise around the room to the right:

1. James Joyce, painted by Patrick Tuohy (1924).

2. Purported to be James Joyce (?1800—?1855), Joyce’s paternal great grandfather, c. 1845.

3. Purported to be Anne McCann Joyce, Joyce’s paternal great grandmother, c. 1845.

4. John Stanislaus Joyce (1849—1931), Joyce’s father, painted by Patrick Tuohy (1923). Joyce commissioned Tuohy to paint this portrait of his father, who was seventy-four at the time.

5. The map of Bloomsday first exhibited at the Librairie La Hune (1949).

6. Nora Barnacle Joyce (1884—1951), painted by Tulio Silvestri (1913—14). Silvestri was a friend of the Joyces in Trieste and called her the most beautiful woman he had ever seen.

7. Nora Barnacle Joyce, painted by Frank Budgen (signed but undated, presumably painted before 1919). Nora disliked this painting.

8. Purported to be James Augustine Joyce (1827—66), Joyce’s paternal grandfather.

9. Purported to be Ellen O’Connell Joyce (1816—81), Joyce’s paternal grandmother. She is of the same family as Daniel O’Connell, "The Liberator." In this painting she is holding a rose in her hand, as is her husband in the preceding painting.

10. Purported to be James Augustine Joyce, Joyce’s paternal grandfather, as a young man, c. 1845.

1) See Thomas E. Connolly, "Home Is Where the Art Is: The Joyce Family Gallery," James Joyce Quarterly, vol. 20, number 1, Fall 1982, 11—32.


Case #1: Shakespeare & Company’s Ulysses

The obscenity trial occasioned by the appearance of the "Nausikaa" episode of Ulysses in the Little Review in July—August 1920 made the publication of Joyce’s book virtually impossible. In April 1921, Sylvia Beach, the American owner of an English language bookshop and lending library in the left-bank of Paris, Shakespeare & Co., undertook to get Ulysses, "the most important book of the age," printed privately and sold by subscription.

A. Ulysses: first edition, first printing. Printed by Maurice Darantiere, in Dijon and published by Shakespeare and Co., 12, rue de l’Odéon, Paris, February 1922. Limited to 1,000 numbered copies of which copies 1—100 are signed by the author and printed on Dutch handmade paper, 101—250 on vergé d’Arches, and 251—1000 on vergé à barbes. Thirteen unnumbered "press" copies were also made. This is "Copy #2," given to Sylvia Beach and inscribed:

To | Sylvia Beach | in token of gratitude | James Joyce | Paris | 13 February 1922.

The holograph manuscript of Joyce’s poem "Who is Sylvia" and the envelope addressed to Beach have been tipped in at the front. The volume was rebound by Beach in dark blue morocco (with the original wrappers bound in), and the edges silvered. Beach also had a copy of the typed schema of the episodes, that had been prepared for Valery Larbaud’s séance on Ulysses, tipped in at the back.

To its left is "Copy # 80" of the signed 100 on Dutch handmade paper, inscribed by Beach to her friends in Buffalo, Constance and Walter Stafford.

B. In the top right corner is the prospectus sent to potential subscribers by Sylvia Beach. This one happened to be sent to Peggy Guggenheim. Below it are three further examples (from W.B. Yeats, W.C. Williams, and Hart Crane) of the almost one hundred signed and returned subscription forms preserved by Sylvia Beach for the first edition of Ulysses.

C. A famous photograph of James Joyce and Sylvia Beach in front of Shakespeare & Co. in 1920.

D. Joyce used this notebook in the composition and revision of the later episodes of Ulysses. The entries Joyce incorporated in the text are crossed through with orange, red, blue and green crayon.

E. Photograph of Joyce in Bognor, July 1923, signed and dedicated to Sylvia Beach.

F. Three pages of typescript of the "Nausikaa" episode with revisions in Joyce’s hand that were sent to Darantiere to set up the galley proofs for the first edition.

G. A selection of Joyce’s own copies of Jane Heap and Margaret Anderson’s The Little Review. Above them is a photo of Heap and Anderson.


Case #2: The Reception of Ulysses

The notoriety associated with the censorship of Ulysses in America was in large measure the cause of the early succès de scandale of the first edition. Although from the very first there were critics, like Sisley Huddleston, who proclaimed Ulysses a masterpiece and Joyce a literary genius, the initial boom in sales was directly attributed to the misguided impression that it was a "pornographic" work. The article by "Aramis" in The Sporting Times helped establish that impression and attracted many new customers to Ulysses, most of whom did not get what they expected.

A. A copy of the advertisement for The Sporting Times — known as the Pink ’un — of 1 April 1922 that Sylvia Beach displayed prominently at Shakespeare & Co. Beside it is a photo of Beach and Joyce in her office just after the publication of Ulysses: notice the Pink ’un poster on the wall. As the torn corner of the poster in the picture makes clear, this is not the same copy.

B. Joyce always maintained that his true contemporary audience was other writers and artists. More often than not, they proved to misunderstand him and his circle of modernists. In her essay in the Criterion, "Character in Fiction" (July 1924), Virginia Woolf speaks for her Bloomsbury colleagues when she calls Ulysses "a waste of energy."

C. At the top right is a photo of the Joyce family, signed by James, Nora, Lucia and George Joyce and dated "Paris | 22.iii.924" for Sylvia Beach.

D. Contemporary newspaper articles and essays in literary journals help gauge the early reception of Ulysses. For example, The Daily Sketch (London, 18 September 1922), laments the poverty of current intellectual life and suggests that Ulysses may have "silenced" other artists.

imageE. The influential literary magazine, The Dial (vol. 72, no. 6, June 1922), was quick to respond to the furor created by the publication of Ulysses. In the "Dublin Letter" John Eglinton reveals that he does not fully understand Ulysses, even the parts in which his character appears. In his "Paris Letter" Ezra Pound issues a supportive call for a symposium to properly review the book.

F. Seemingly overnight Joyce became an international celebrity with the publication of Ulysses. As mainstream a publication as Vanity Fair (April 1922) included him in a survey of ten critics’ reviews of the "whole field of life and thought of 100 modern figures." On a scale of —25 to +25, Joyce averages a +11.5, falling behind Charlie Chaplin yet pulling ahead of Sigmund Freud in popularity.

G. On the other side of the Pink ’un is a copy of Ulysses, first edition, third printing, published for the Egoist Press, London, by John Rodker, Paris, January 1923. There are 500 numbered copies and an uncertain quantity of unnumbered copies, all printed on vergé à barbes by Maurice Darantiere, Dijon.

This is one of the unnumbered copies. This printing was made to replace a quarter of the copies of the second printing that had been seized and burned by the U. S. customs office. The exact number of destroyed copies is unknown but the third printing states the number as 500. Ironically, most copies of the third printing were seized and confiscated by the English customs authorities at Folkestone. All subsequent editions have claimed that 499 out of 500 copies were destroyed but this cannot be correct since at least three copies are known to have survived.

Both the second and third printings of Ulysses include a small number of corrections made to the text in addition to a list of errata.

H. Among so many in our collection, these three articles show the customs officials’ zeal to confiscate the banned book on both sides of the Atlantic. These articles also document the ever more stealthy modes that were devised to ship copies of Ulysses to England and the United States. Furthermore, rumors of a secret index of censored books and of the Chicago and New York Mafia’s involvement in "book-legging" were ubiquitous in journals world-wide. From left to right: Journal Courier, Louisville, Kentucky (4 December 1927); Cape Argus, Cape Town, South Africa (23 October 1928); and New York Evening Post (14 February, 1929).


20. Small 10K shield-shaped pin with gold “Varsity” and “P,” ca. 1922


Case #3: The Pirating of Ulysses and the Case Against Samuel Roth

Samuel Roth, a New York editor, bookseller and publisher of avant-garde literature, first became associated with Joyce in 1925—26 when he reprinted, without Joyce’s stated permission, five fragments from Joyce’s current Work in Progress in his new magazine, Two Worlds. Buoyed by this success, Roth launched a second magazine, Two Worlds Monthly, a journal "Devoted to the Increase of the Gaiety of Nations," with pirated, expurgated and corrupt printings of Ulysses. Incensed, both for artistic as well as financial reasons, Joyce and Beach initiated legal action against Roth and at the same time raised a call-to-arms against such infringement in literary, artistic and intellectual communities world-wide.

A. While in London in 1921 as a reporter on assignment for the New York Herald, Samuel Roth sent Beach his subscription form requesting a copy of the first edition of Ulysses, the cheapest 150 franc edition. The postscript reads: "Kindly send me several copies of prospectus for my friends."

Below it is an early letter (probably the first) from Roth to Joyce dated 12 February 1921, in which he asks to meet Joyce saying, "Of all the writers in Europe to-day you have made the most intimate appeal to me…." Tellingly, in the postscript he asks, "Why is Ulysses not yet in book form?"

B. In the right corner is a photograph of Ezra Pound, Ford Maddox Ford, James Joyce and John Quinn in 1923, at the time they discussed the founding of a new magazine to be edited by Ford, The Transatlantic Review. Its April 1924 issue contained the first installment of Joyce’s recently dubbed Work in Progress. This photo is inscribed by the four men to Sylvia Beach.

C. Volume 1, number 1, of Roth’s Two Worlds Monthly (June 1926). As editor Roth states: "This issue of Two Worlds Monthly is dedicated to James Joyce who will probably plead the cause of our time at the bar of posterity." Beside it is volume 3, number 1, which contains his ninth installment of Ulysses (the first part of "Oxen") with the banner: "Mr. Roth Haled [sic] into Court."

D. A copy of the Protest, in English, initiated against Roth and signed by 167 prominent writers, artists, and thinkers, including W.B. Yeats, Gertrude Stein, T.S. Eliot and Albert Einstein.

E. An article from The Humanist (April 1927) which reproduces a list of autographs of the people protesting Roth’s pirating of Ulysses.

F. Ulysses, second edition, second printing, unlimited edition, 1927 (also known as the ninth Shakespeare & Co. printing). In 1926, a re-set edition of Ulysses was published with numerous corrections. Unfortunately, more than a few errors were introduced in the process. This habit of complementing corrections with corruptions has plagued every subsequent edition of Ulysses.

G. Ulysses, third edition (piratical), 1929. Published by Samuel Roth and printed by Adolph and Rudolph Loewinger, New York. This unauthorized edition was intended to closely mimic the 1927 Shakespeare & Co. printing (item E). However, there are numerous subtle differences between Roth’s and the legitimate 1927 printing: the paper is heavier and of different stock, the font is smaller, the edition lacks spine text, the wrappers lack folding flaps, and the book is slightly thicker (although the pagination is identical). More importantly, the text is highly corrupt and contains numerous errors, some of which are quite serious. One of the most serious, and most comic, errors occurs on the first page (the "He" of the passage below, is Buck Mulligan).

Lamentably, when Bennett Cerf of Random House asked Joyce for a copy of Ulysses from which the first authorized American edition would be based, someone mistakenly sent a copy of Roth’s piratical edition, resulting in the first American edition inheriting all of the errors of the piratical edition.

H. The dispute over Ulysses gained a large degree of press coverage:

The Nation (8 December 1926) reprints Roth’s advertisement for his publication of Ulysses. Several years later, Beach removed the ad from her collection of clippings and sent it to T.S. Eliot, at Faber & Faber, who was considering publishing Ulysses;

In an editorial in the New Statesman (19 March 1927) Roth defended himself as best he could. He offered to "help" Joyce by paying him $2,000 a year in exchange for the copyright on all his work;

The Tribune, South Bend (5 December 1926) runs an announcement for the Two Worlds Monthly;

In the New York World (20 May 1928), Roth claims that publication of Joyce in his Two Worlds Monthly was detrimental to the journal’s popularity and circulation;

Later, the Chicago Tribune (4 November 1931) reported on the continuing controversy surrounding the piracy of Ulysses even after Joyce’s Supreme Court injunction against Roth.

I. In the left corner is a photo of Déjeuner Ulysse, the luncheon at the Hôtel Leopold in Les-Vaux-de-Cernay that was organized by Beach and Adrienne Monnier in June 1929 to celebrate Bloomsday and the seventh anniversary of the publication of the first edition. Among the guests were Phillippe Soupault, Eduard Dujardin, Paul Valery, Thomas McGreevy, Beach and Monnier. Joyce is seated at the center. Although Samuel Beckett was also present, he is not pictured here.


Case #4: Ulysses in The Desert

Evaluation of the literary worth and insurgent potential of Ulysses was not confined to Europe and the United States. News of the novel appeared in the papers of the former colonies, where it was debated by colonials and colonial subjects. Amongst a wide variety of such articles in our collection is the extended drama played out in the editorial column of the Egyptian Gazette in August and September 1928.

The issues raised here are consistent with those voiced in many other clippings from the papers of Shanghai and Ceylon, Bombay and Calcutta, the British West Indies, South Africa and Malaysia, to name a few. By focusing on Ulysses as a product of the disillusionment and violence of the First World War, the Egyptian controversy reveals an inchoate apprehension of Joyce’s novel as a political threat; as a challenge to cultural orthodoxies on a scale larger than formal literary innovations of style.

A. Thursday, August 16, 1928: As if via camel-caravan, news of Joyce’s Ulysses arrives in Cairo. On 16 August 1928, six and a half years after the publication of Ulysses, G. E. Rees, editor of the Egyptian Gazette penned an article of some 3000 words entitled "The Post War Novel: A Break-Away." In it, Rees declared that "Ulysses is the Bible of the post-war novelist." It did not evolve gradually: "[…] it was a mutation that emerged, fully armed and militant, from the womb of war." Rees continued his editorial on 23 August; over the next six weeks, he published a wealth of readers’ correspondence that addressed censorship, morals, pedagogical merit and the material and intellectual accessibility of the novel.

B. Thursday, August 25, 1928: "Correspondence." Rees suggests to his inquiring readers that the book, which was not yet banned in Egypt, is best ordered from W.H. Smith and Son, Paris.

C. Wednesday, August 29, 1928: "Ulysses." On Tuesday, 28 August 1928 (not shown), R. Bell replied to Rees’s article, concerned about "the effect of the volume in the hands of the rising generation slowly clambering from the quagmire in which the late war left us."

Here, Isobel MacDermott responds to Bell arguing that the novel’s realistic description of the poverty and struggles of life provides necessary education for young boys and girls. Furthermore, "as a woman," she finds the "Penelope" episode to be a "remarkably vivid account of a woman’s thoughts" as she drops off to sleep.

D. Friday, August 31, 1928: "Ulysses Further Correspondence: An Injustice to Ireland: Can beastliness be justified?" Joining the fray are J. T. Hardcastle, "Old Guard," S. Weston and "Oliver." Notice how Oliver responds in "Ulyssiambic" verse.

E. Saturday, September 1, 1928: "Correspondence: Last Words on Ulysses." Here, someone under the pseudonym, "The Churchman," introduces the rumor that a young Bonamy Dobree has ordered Ulysses for his missionary school curriculum.

F. Monday, September 10, 1928: "Correspondence. Ulysses Mystery: James Joyce and Egyptian Students." Rees and his editorial staff, after making numerous inquiries are ultimately unable to provide evidence in support of "The Churchman’s" charge.

G. Thursday, September 20, 1928: "Rotting Citadel of Pre-War Fiction." Rees writes once more in "passionate defense" of Ulysses "[…] and for everything modern when it has been accompanied by sincerity and beauty."


Case #5: Censorship and the Lifting of the Ban

In the eleven years that elapsed between its first edition and the lifting of the ban against it in the U. S., Ulysses became a rallying point in the debate over censorship, both in America and around the world. In 1933, the same year that prohibition was repealed in this country, the ban was overturned. Almost immediately after Judge John M. Woolsey’s decision that Ulysses could be published in the United States, Bennett Cerf of Random House had his printers churning out copies. It went on sale less than two months after the decision.

A. In the early 1930’s, while Ulysses was still banned in England and America, the Albatross Press (Hamburg, Germany) undertook a new edition, under the Odyssey Press imprint. The text was revised by Stuart Gilbert, although new errors were introduced even as old ones were expunged. This was the first continental edition not published under the Shakespeare & Co. imprint.

Ulysses, fourth edition, first printing, issued in two volumes; Odyssey Press (Hamburg, 1932). This printing was limited to 35 copies; this is "Copy #1 printed for James Joyce." Subsequent printings were issued in both two volume and single volume format. In total the Odyssey Press issued five printings through 1939.

B. The Times (London, 8 December 1933), carried the headline "Ulysses American Ban Raised" and the article quotes selectively from Woolsey’s decision in support of the novel. As the header indicates, this newspaper article was clipped by the Romeike & Curtice service for Miss Weaver, who sent it on to Joyce.

C. The first authorized American printing: Ulysses, fifth edition, first American printing, unlimited edition; Random House, New York, 1934. Although this edition was based on Roth’s corrupt edition, the 1940, eleventh Random House printing, was proof-checked against the authorized Odyssey Press edition (item A) and the most egregious errors were removed. Joyce gave this particular copy to Beach and inscribed it with his most personal tribute to his close ally. The inscription reads:

To | Sylvia Beach | publisher of the first | edition of Ulysses.
This | copy of the first edition | published in her country |
James Joyce | Paris | 2 February 1922 | 2 February 1934

D. This is the front page of the New York Herald (Paris, 8 August 1934) whose headline banner announces the burial of President Hindenburg just above the article "U. S. Loses Appeal, Court Finds Ban Hurting Art." Interestingly, this day’s news was of Judge Woolsey’s decision as well as Adolf Hitler’s oration at Hindenburg’s funeral.

E. This is the first English edition published after the lifting of the ban in England: Ulysses, seventh edition; John Lane, The Bodley Head (London, 1936). Limited to 1,000 numbered copies of which 100 signed copies are on mould-made paper, bound in calf-vellum and 900 unsigned copies are on Japon Vellum paper, bound in linen buckram: this is one of the most luxurious editions of Ulysses ever published. A smaller-sized, unlimited edition was published the following year. Unnumbered, this presentation copy on mould-made paper was Joyce’s own (see photocopy of limitations page beside it). The distinctive Homeric bow was designed by Eric Gill.

F. The following (upper left, clockwise) are three articles related to the lifting of the ban against Ulysses: 1) Picture Post’s (London, 3 June 1939) "What Our Readers Say" report on popular taste includes G.B. Shaw’s reply to rumors of his disgust at Ulysses; 2) Herald Tribune’s (New York, 21 January 1934) "Joyce’s Ulysses No Longer a Banned Book" presents a history of the ban and its lifting; 3) Liverpool Post’s article (22 January 1934) "Banned Book in the Post" predicts that the lifting of the American ban on Ulysses will encourage the publication of an English edition (item G


Case #6: Translations of Ulysses

Beach and Joyce were approached for permissions soon after the first edition was published. The first translation of the whole text of Ulysses was the German, undertaken by the Swiss firm Rhein-Verlag. The first printings of this edition emphasized the private nature of the publication and did not mention the publisher’s name out of fear of prosecution.

A. Ulysses, (private printing) first edition, first printing, issued in three volumes; [Rhein-Verlag] (Basel, Switzerland, 1927); subsequent printings bear the publisher’s imprint and some are in two volumes. Georg Goyert was selected by the publisher to be the translator because he won a competition. While he had some help from Joyce, Goyert’s translation is flawed and is not the current standard German translation. On display is "Copy A," one of an unspecified number of copies printed especially for Rhein-Verlag. This one was given to Joyce, dated October 15, 1927, and signed by Walther Lohmeyer, director of Rhein-Verlag.

B. Berliner Tageblatt (Berlin, 17 April 1931), "Ulysses im Querschnitt" is one of hundreds of articles in the collection that document the German-language reception of Joyce’s works and their translations.

C. The influential French translation appeared two years later: Ulysse, first edition, first printing; La Maison des Amis des Livres, 7, rue de l’Odéon (Paris, 1929); printed by L’imprimerie Durand, Chartres. It was limited to 1,000 numbered copies and 200 copies "hors-commerce." There are 25 numbered and 10 lettered "hors-commerce" copies on Hollande van Gelder paper; 100 numbered and 20 "hors-commerce" copies on vélin d’Arches; and 875 numbered and 170 "hors-commerce" copies on alfa vergé. It is translated by Auguste Morel, assisted by Stuart Gilbert, reviewed by Valery Larbaud with the collaboration of the author. This is still the standard French translation of Ulysses. The Maison des Amis des Livres was run by Adrienne Monnier, Sylvia Beach’s partner, and was located next to Shakespeare & Co. This is "Copy F," printed for Sylvia Beach; signed and inscribed by Joyce:

To | Sylvia Beach | this trophy of her Seven Years’ War 1922—1929 |
James Joyce | Paris | Independence Day 1929.

D. An advertisement for the French translation of Ulysses in L’Atlantique (Paris, March 1931).

E. Shortly thereafter a Czech translation was published: Odysseus, first edition, first printing, issued in three volumes; Václav Petr (Prague, 1930), translated by L. Vymetal.

F. The first Dutch translation: Ulysses, Oliemeulen (New York, 1969), translated by John Vandenbergh. This is "Copy #30" and is signed by Vandenbergh. There is also a more recent Dutch translation of Ulysses, De Bezige Bij (Amsterdam, 1994), by Paul Claes and Mon Nys.

G. The Gaelic translation: Uliséas, Béal Feirste (Foillseac´áin Inis Gleoire, 1988—1992). It was a collaborative translation by Séamas Ó Mongáin, Breasal Uilsean, Séamas Ó hInnéirg´e and was issued as a set of nine monographs, several of which are on display here.

H. The first Italian translation of Ulysses: Ulisse, Arnoldo Mondadori (Milano, 1960), translated by Giulio de Angelis (with Glauco Cambon, Carlo Izzo, and Giorgio Melchiori). There is also a more recent Italian translation, Ulisse, Casalini (Firenze, 1995), translated by Bona Flecchia.

I. Several Chinese translations appeared in the 1990’s. This is Yu li his ssu, I lin chu pan she (Nan-Ching, 1994), issued in three volumes, translated by Chien Hsiao and Chieh-jo Wen. There is another full-length translation of Ulysses into Chinese in our collection, Chiu Ko (Taipei, 1993), by Jin Di.


Case #7: Joyce in Paris, "Work in Progress"

Beach and Joyce were approached for permissions soon after the first edition was published. The first translation of the whole text of Ulysses was the German, undertaken by the Swiss firm Rhein-Verlag. The first printings of this edition emphasized the private nature of the publication and did not mention the publisher’s name out of fear of prosecution.

A. Ulysses, (private printing) first edition, first printing, issued in three volumes; [Rhein-Verlag] (Basel, Switzerland, 1927); subsequent printings bear the publisher’s imprint and some are in two volumes. Georg Goyert was selected by the publisher to be the translator because he won a competition. While he had some help from Joyce, Goyert’s translation is flawed and is not the current standard German translation. On display is "Copy A," one of an unspecified number of copies printed especially for Rhein-Verlag. This one was given to Joyce, dated October 15, 1927, and signed by Walther Lohmeyer, director of Rhein-Verlag.

B. Berliner Tageblatt (Berlin, 17 April 1931), "Ulysses im Querschnitt" is one of hundreds of articles in the collection that document the German-language reception of Joyce’s works and their translations.

C. The influential French translation appeared two years later: Ulysse, first edition, first printing; La Maison des Amis des Livres, 7, rue de l’Odéon (Paris, 1929); printed by L’imprimerie Durand, Chartres. It was limited to 1,000 numbered copies and 200 copies "hors-commerce." There are 25 numbered and 10 lettered "hors-commerce" copies on Hollande van Gelder paper; 100 numbered and 20 "hors-commerce" copies on vélin d’Arches; and 875 numbered and 170 "hors-commerce" copies on alfa vergé. It is translated by Auguste Morel, assisted by Stuart Gilbert, reviewed by Valery Larbaud with the collaboration of the author. This is still the standard French translation of Ulysses. The Maison des Amis des Livres was run by Adrienne Monnier, Sylvia Beach’s partner, and was located next to Shakespeare & Co. This is "Copy F," printed for Sylvia Beach; signed and inscribed by Joyce:

To | Sylvia Beach | this trophy of her Seven Years’ War 1922—1929 |
James Joyce | Paris | Independence Day 1929.

D. An advertisement for the French translation of Ulysses in L’Atlantique (Paris, March 1931).

E. Shortly thereafter a Czech translation was published: Odysseus, first edition, first printing, issued in three volumes; Václav Petr (Prague, 1930), translated by L. Vymetal.

F. The first Dutch translation: Ulysses, Oliemeulen (New York, 1969), translated by John Vandenbergh. This is "Copy #30" and is signed by Vandenbergh. There is also a more recent Dutch translation of Ulysses, De Bezige Bij (Amsterdam, 1994), by Paul Claes and Mon Nys.

G. The Gaelic translation: Uliséas, Béal Feirste (Foillseac´áin Inis Gleoire, 1988—1992). It was a collaborative translation by Séamas Ó Mongáin, Breasal Uilsean, Séamas Ó hInnéirg´e and was issued as a set of nine monographs, several of which are on display here.

H. The first Italian translation of Ulysses: Ulisse, Arnoldo Mondadori (Milano, 1960), translated by Giulio de Angelis (with Glauco Cambon, Carlo Izzo, and Giorgio Melchiori). There is also a more recent Italian translation, Ulisse, Casalini (Firenze, 1995), translated by Bona Flecchia.

I. Several Chinese translations appeared in the 1990’s. This is Yu li his ssu, I lin chu pan she (Nan-Ching, 1994), issued in three volumes, translated by Chien Hsiao and Chieh-jo Wen. There is another full-length translation of Ulysses into Chinese in our collection, Chiu Ko (Taipei, 1993), by Jin Di.


Case #8: Joyce’s Finnegans Wake Notebooks

Joyce was an inveterate reader and notetaker, often reading whatever came to hand. He jotted down words and phrases he found interesting in one of his pocket notebooks. These notes were the foundations upon which his works were constructed. All of the almost sixty extant Finnegans Wake notebooks are part of the Joyce collection at Buffalo. Joyce’s practice of harvesting odd words and phrases from the daily newspapers, magazines and other material of popular culture is illustrated here. As Joyce used these notes, inserting them in drafts for Work in Progress/Finnegans Wake, he would characteristically cross through the entries in different colored crayons, often depending upon when and where he inserted the material in his text.

A. Open at the center of the case is the Criterion, vol. II, no. v (October 1923), in which T.S. Eliot’s seminal essay on the modernist aesthetic, "The Function of Criticism," appeared. Joyce, who probably picked up his issue of the journal at Shakespeare & Co., not only read this essay but, as his note-taking makes clear, continued to read the Criterion, jotting down various names for the devil from Professor Charles Guignebert’s article "Concerning the Devil."

Beside it is the sixth extant Finnegans Wake notebook (VI.B.06, p. 64; compiled in early 1924). Joyce copied only a few words and phrases from the first and second pages of Guignebert’s essay into his notebook. From page 17 the words underlined on the transparency also appear at the top of the notebook beside it: "Tempter," "Evil One," "Prince of Darkness," "Lowest," "Adversary" and "Other."

B. Beginning in 1933, Joyce depended upon an amanuensis, Mme. Raphaël, to transcribe in a large, neat hand his heavily used and barely legible notebooks. This notebook (VI.C.2) is open to a transcription of the same page in the primary notebook, VI.B.06. Here the red cross-out indicates that just "adversary" was used to revise what would become Finnegans Wake.

C. Around the Criterion are three various examples of Joyce’s Finnegans Wake notebooks (left to right: VI.B.16 [1924]; VI.B.36 [1934]; and VI.B.14 [1924]).

D. In the Evening Standard, (London, 3 August 1929), "Books and Persons," Arnold Bennett claims that Joyce’s Work in Progress is "The Oddest Novel Ever Written." Well known critic and author of various reviews of Joyce and other modernists, Bennett praises Joyce’s genius and criticizes his "super-portmanteau" compositional style.


Case #9: Eliot and Joyce

The connection between Eliot and Joyce dates back to 1917 when Eliot became assistant editor of The Egoist, where he first read Ulysses. Their friendship and mutual admiration deepened over the years and Eliot, as an editor at Faber & Faber in the 1930’s, was instrumental in encouraging Joyce and getting Finnegans Wake into print.

A. In the top right corner is the first known letter between the two writers, dated 11 August 1920, in which Eliot says that "Ezra Pound has given me a package for you." Eliot asks Joyce to meet him while he is Paris. The famous encounter of Lewis, Eliot and Joyce has been recounted often and the content of the eminent "package" turned out to be, among other things, a pair of old brown shoes.

B. Shortly after the publication of Ulysses, Eliot presented Joyce with a copy of The Waste Land (1922) and inscribed it:

For James Joyce | with | homage and | admiration | from T.S. Eliot

This is one of the almost five hundred items from Joyce’s personal Paris library that is now housed here.

C. This is one of the thirty letters from Eliot to Joyce recently cataloged in the Buffalo Collection. This one, on Faber & Faber letterhead, is dated 21 August 1936 and inquires about material to set up the type for what would become — over two years later —Finnegans Wake.

D. Also recently cataloged for the first time, this is a galley proof (printed on one side only) for transition no. 11. It is heavily revised in Joyce’s hand in ink and documents the first appearance of the diagram — labeled here "Fig. 1, bass" — that appears in the "geometry lesson" (Finnegans Wake, p. 293; also see cases 8 & 11).


Case #10: Deluxe Editions of the Fragments

Work in Progress not only appeared in various literary and artistic magazines, such as transition, from April 1924 — March 1938, but Joyce also published eight beautiful and limited deluxe editions of selected fragments from October 1928 — February 1938. Several of these publications included lettrines drawn and colored by his daughter, Lucia, whose artistic talents Joyce sought to encourage.

A. The largest of the fragments is Storiella as She Is Syung, Corvinus Press (London, 1937), with illuminated capital letter by Lucia Joyce. Limited to 175 numbered copies (with one additional, lettered copy) of which copies 1—25 are signed by the author. Of the three copies at Buffalo, this is "Copy #16" and belonged to Sylvia Beach. The text that appeared here was "The Opening and Closing Pages of Book II, Section II" (Finnegans Wake, pp. 260—275.02; 304.05—308).

B. The Mime of Mick, Nick and the Maggies, Servire Press (The Hague, 1934), with initial letter, tail-piece and cover designed by Lucia Joyce. The edition consisted of one thousand copies on Old Antique Dutch, numbered 1—1000 and 29 copies on Simili Japon of Van Gelder Zonen, bound in parchment, signed by James Joyce and Lucia Joyce and numbered I—XXIX. The number 29–the number of the special issue of this edition–is also the number of the Maggies. Open at the rear colophon, we see that this is "Copy #I": James Joyce’s copy. The text that appeared here was an earlier version of Book II, chapter 1 (Finnegans Wake, pp. 219—259).

C. A photo of Lucia Joyce in an advertisement for The Mime of Mick, Nick and the Maggies issued by the Servire Press, which was also the printer of transition at the time.

D. The most admired of the fragments: Anna Livia Plurabelle, Crosby Gaige (New York, 1928), with a preface by Padraic Colum. This edition was limited to 850 numbered and signed copies in brown cloth. A special issue of 50 unnumbered copies on green-tinted paper and bound in black was also printed: this is a copy of that special issue. The text that appeared here was an earlier version of Book I, chapter 8 (Finnegans Wake, pp. 196—216).

E. Below it is Nancy Cunard’s Obelisk Press edition of A Chaucer ABC (Paris, 1936), with all the initial lettrines designed and illuminated by Lucia Joyce, and a preface by Louis Gillet. This is copy #59 of 300 and it, too, was an item in Joyce’s personal, Paris library.

F. This is a photo by Berenice Abbot of Lucia in a dancing costume in the late 1920’s.

G. A composite of various fragments, Tales Told of Shem and Shaun, The Black Sun Press, rue Cardinale (Paris, 1929), was printed and published by Harry and Caresse Crosby. There is also a portrait of the author by Constantin Brancusi and a preface by C.K. Ogden. The edition was limited to 100 signed copies on Japanese Vellum; 500 copies on Holland Van Gelder Zonen; and 50 copies hors-commerce. This copy belonged to Joyce.


Cases 11 and 12: Finnegans Wake and Its Early Reception

The long anticipated publication of Finnegans Wake on 4 May 1939 inaugurated a flurry of critical reviews by writers, scholars and ordinary readers around the world. The Joyce newspaper clipping collection from this period is exceptionally diverse and comprehensive. Finnegans Wake elicited passionate responses from readers and boycotters alike.

A. Open to the diagram, this is an advance copy of the first edition of Finnegans Wake, Faber & Faber (London, 1939). It is a unique, unbound copy, with dust jacket, that Joyce and Paul Léon used to make corrections for the text (VI.H.4.a.). By April 1939, Joyce had already begun complaining about errors in the text of Finnegans Wake. In July, with the assistance of Paul Léon, in whose hand the errata appears, Joyce began the process of correcting the text. A typed list of errata was then prepared from this manuscript (VI.H.1). A printed errata list was first published with the text in 1945.

B. Publication announcements, such as this one, of another book by the author of Ulysses appeared in newspapers around the world. Here is a report in the West Australian (Perth, Australia, 18 March 1939).

C. Here, in another of the first extensive reviews, is the Observer (London, 7 May 1939). Oliver St. John Gogarty, himself resentful of his representation as Buck Mulligan in Ulysses, claims in "Roots in Resentment: James Joyce’s Revenge" that Joyce’s resentment against European civilization and life itself is self-evident: "This arch-mocker in his rage would extract the Logos, the Divine word or Reason from its tabernacle, and turn it muttering and maudlin into the street."

D. These articles are indicative of the general bewilderment with which Finnegans Wake was received in small city newspapers in America and the world over. From left to right: the Express (Portland, Maine, 6 May 1939) and the Citizen (Brooklyn, New York, 22 May 1939).

E. In the New York Times (New York, 7 May 1939), Padriac Colum, a friend and consistent supporter of Joyce’s work, offers one of the first extensive reviews of Finnegans Wake just three days after its publication. The sketch of Joyce is by Augustus John, another of Joyce’s Irish friends.

F. One of a series of photos by Gisèle Freund taken in 1938 of Joyce, his family, and circle of friends. In this one Joyce is seated at a piano in his apartment with Giorgio by his side.

G. Whether in lieu of commentary or in praise of its musical language, initial reviews of Finnegans Wake regularly took recourse to quotation from the text or inventively mimicked the style of the book. These four articles are fine examples: Free Press (Detroit, Michigan, 11 May 1939), "Good Morning: Icky-Wicky Nutzy," by Malcolm W. Bingay; Manchester Guardian (Manchester, England, 12 May 1939), "In Lieu of Review," by B. Ifor Evans; (below, left): Courier Express, (Buffalo, New York, 7 May 1939) [n.t.; unsigned], which reads:

There is no question that James Joyce is not only a learned, but a brilliant man; he knows all languages and all people, but what is he saying? Your guess is as good as ours and better.

Those who were not amused by Joyce’s literary innovations were often disgusted and wrote condemnatory letters to the editors like the two here (Bottom right corner): "Incoherent Rot," Time Magazine, (New York, 29 May 1939); News Republican, (Boone, Iowa, 27 May 1939); and "The Beachcomber" in the Daily Express, (London, 11 May 1939), "By the Way," writes:

He is completely unintelligible, […] and precious dull and stupid it is. But it would be interesting to know what led the author of such a story as "The Dead" to abandon all the conventions of writing.

H. The "Bookshop Notes" in the Publisher’s Weekly (New York, 13 May 1939) announces the James Joyce Society’s celebration of the publication of Finnegans Wake at the Gotham Book Mart. John Slocum (bottom right) was an early Joyce enthusiast and bibliographer, New York book collector and the benefactor of the Joyce Collection at Yale.

I. The Bookseller’s "What the Other Fellow is Selling" (London, 15 June 1939) lists Finnegans Wake as one of the best selling books in English bookstores, after Mein Kampf and Gone With the Wind.

J. Finally, this a reproduction of crayon drawing of her father by Lucia Joyce (the delicate original is also in the collection).

History of the Collection

How the most comprehensive Joyce collection came to be housed here has as much to do with the foresight and vision of Charles D. Abbott and Oscar A. Silverman, the first Directors of the Lockwood Memorial Library, as it does with the dedication and friendship to the University and to Sylvia Beach of a few Buffalo families.

The materials that comprise the Joyce Collection at Buffalo were acquired from four different sources. A donation to the Library made possible the acquisition at auction of the majority of items from the 1949 exhibit of Joyce material entitled "James Joyce: Sa Vie, Son Œuvre, Son Rayonnement" at the Librairie La Hune in Paris. This exhibit had been organized by Bernard Gheerbrant, Maria Jolas and Lucie Léon, among others, with the prospect of selling the selected items that belonged to Joyce to benefit his family (1). The materials arrived in Buffalo in the autumn of 1950. Oscar Silverman, who viewed the exhibit in the company of Maria Jolas, realized that such a relatively complete manuscript record complemented the Poetry Project’s aim of gathering "all the tangible sheets a poet uses in making a poem" and augmented Buffalo’s already well-established collection of manuscripts and variant printings (2).

This first batch consisted of manuscripts representing all stages of most of Joyce’s works. Beyond that, there were also many letters, two decades of press clippings and journal articles of his works from the world over (which are a major highlight of this exhibit) (3), family portraits (on the walls above the exhibit cases), as well as his personal library and effects (4). These items were originally left by Joyce in his Paris apartment after his flight from that city in the winter of 1939 and were then recovered by Paul Léon, who remained in Paris out of family obligation too long and died at the hands of the Nazis. The story of Paul Léon’s heroic trips back and forth through the occupied streets of Paris with a workman and his wheelbarrow have been recounted often, but were it not for his valiant and successful efforts in preserving Joyce’s workshop, the breadth and scope of the Joyce scholarship that has followed, whether textual or biographical, would not have been possible (5).

Benjamin W. Huebsch, Joyce’s first American publisher and long-time supporter, donated the second batch in May 1951 and supplemented it with another in December 1959. Both batches consisted of page proofs of the front matter and two lists of errata for A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, as well as his correspondence with Joyce from 1915 to 1938.

The third batch arrived in Buffalo in the winter of 1959. This comprised a large portion of Sylvia Beach’s personal Joyce collection. Some of these items had been loaned to the La Hune Exhibit and were then part of the commemorative exhibit entitled "Les Années Vingt. Les Écrivans Américans à Paris et Leurs Amis. 1920—1930." This exhibit was organized by the American Embassy’s Centre Culturel Américain and opened in Paris in March 1959 (and in London the following year). This acquisition brought many further manuscripts, printed texts (mostly dedicated by the author to Beach, some of which are on view in the exhibit), an extensive correspondence concerning Joyce’s personal and business affairs and many photographs that document Joyce’s life and the Paris literary scene of the twenties and thirties. This batch augmented the Buffalo Joyce Collection by providing, among other important material, twelve further workbooks of Ulysses episodes, bringing to twenty the number of drafts of this relatively early stage of the novel. Sylvia Beach also sent over 1200 pages of typescript and 800 of galley proofs, all with additions and corrections by Joyce (6).

Shortly after Beach’s death in 1962 a further batch arrived in Buffalo. This consisted of the remaining portion of her Joyce Collection. As part of this batch came the 212 letters from Joyce to Beach, further first editions signed by the author and dedicated to her, translations, more photographs, as well as other significant manuscripts and letters. Most of these items were not included in the first edition of the collection’s catalog as that was published before the arrival of this batch.

The final major acquisition came from Maria Jolas in 1968. It consisted of 31 pages of six different transition galley proofs of Work in Progress printed and revised from 27 May 1927 to June 1928 for transitions 4, 5, and 11—13 (7).

1) Bernard Gheerbrant, James Joyce: Sa Vie, Son Œuvre, Son Rayonnement (Paris: La Hune, 1949).

2) See Charles D. Abbott, ed., Poets at Work: Essays Based on the Modern Poetry Collection at the Lockwood Memorial Library, (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1948), 12; and Oscar A. Silverman’s own description of his visits to the exhibition and the excitement with which the collection was received at the University: "James Joyce: Paris-Buffalo (The Joyce Collections at the Lockwood Memorial Library)" in the Grosvenor Society Occasional Papers, vol. 1, no. 1, February 1964.

3) Joyce’s personal newspaper clippings collection was in fact the first component of the Buffalo collection to be cataloged. (See the unpublished M. A. thesis by Jean Gilbert, "A Card Index to the Press Clippings in the Joyce Collection of the Lockwood Memorial Library," University of Buffalo, 1952). This collection is the single most comprehensive record of contemporary (1922-1941) reviews, critiques, and the reception of Joyce’s work extant. An electronic, revised index, A James Joyce Scrapbook: Joyce’s Clippings Archive at The Poetry Collection at Buffalo, compiled by Luca Crispi and Stacey Herbert, is forthcoming.

4) Although scholars had made use of some of the individual items in the collection prior to 1955, Thomas E. Connolly was the first to catalog and publish any part of it in his The Personal Library of James Joyce: A Descriptive Bibliography (Buffalo: University at Buffalo, 1955).

5) The financial assistance of Léon’s brother-in-law, Alex Ponisovsky, was vital at that juncture.

6) As so much of the novel was written for the first time directly on the typescripts and proofs, these manuscripts are an invaluable source of insight concerning the genetic development of the novel and the controversies over a "corrected" text.

7) The collection was previously cataloged by Peter Spielberg in his James Joyce’s Manuscripts and Letters at the University of Buffalo (1962) and is now being revised and augmented by Luca Crispi.


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